The Prince
By Niccolo Machiavelli
Background
Niccolo Machiavelli wrote The Prince in exile. He had been sent away after the Medici family suspected him of treason and conspiracy. The Medicis had recently regained power, and their suspicion of ol’ Nic wasn’t unwarranted. Machiavelli favored the Borgia family, to whom the Medicis first lost and then regained control of Florence. But it is only clear that NM sympathized with the conspirators, not that he acted in any way on their behalf.
Years prior, during an exceptionally turbulent time, Machiavelli left a banking career to work as a diplomat. By 1494, the Medici family was weaker than ever. They left governing responsibilities to an incompetent son, who quickly lost the city of Florence to a French invasion. The French propped up a republican government, which Machiavelli enjoyed much more than Medici rule. It is during this time he met the inspiration for The Prince: Cesare Borgia. The son of a corrupt and decadent Pope, Borgia had all the attributes now commonly called Machiavellian.
But the Republic of Florence didn’t last long. It fell in 1512, and poor Nic was arrested and tortured shortly after. Like Littlefinger, the Game of Thrones character he inspired, Machiavelli anguished when his gig was finally up. While in exile, he wrote to a friend:
“When evening comes, I return to my home, and I go into my study; and on the threshold, I take off my everyday clothes, which are covered in mud and mire, and I put on regal and curial robes; and dressed in a more appropriate manner I enter into the ancient courts of ancient men and am welcomed by them kindly, and there I taste the food that alone is mine, and for which I was born; and there I am not ashamed to speak to them, to ask them the reasons for their actions; and they, in their humanity, answer me; and for four hours I feel no boredom, I dismiss every affliction, I no longer fear poverty nor do I tremble at the thought of death; I become completely part of them.”
Poor Nic just wanted his job back, and The Prince was an effort to accomplish that. Machiavelli began with a letter to Lorenzo de Medici, then ruler of Florence, whose family had him exiled. He praises Lorenzo and claims he is happy to see him in power. But Machiavelli quickly assures him that the new Prince will need the help of a competent advisor—one like himself. The Prince is effectively a cover letter, where the exiled diplomat lays out all he knows about politics and governance. It is an attempt to convince Medici he can be of use. Fortunately or unfortunately, Lorenzo never answered, and Machiavelli spent the rest of his days in exile. The book, however, would become one of the most famous political documents ever written.
Changing Constitutions
According to Machiavelli, nothing is more politically challenging than initiating changes in a state's constitution. Still, some try. NM calls them "innovators." These innovators can be separated into two groups: (1) those who stand alone and (2) those who depend on others.
Those who require the help of others are usually let down. The process is too long and arduous, and it is easy to persuade others of something but difficult to maintain commitment. Only those who rely solely on themselves can overcome this task.
Cruelty, Used Well or Badly
Machiavelli wrote, “I believe that here it is a question of cruelty used well or badly. We can say that cruelty is used well (if it is permissible to talk in this way about what is evil) when it is employed once and for all, and one’s safety depends on it, and then it is not persisted in by as fast as possible turned to the good of one’s subjects. Cruelty badly used is that which, although infrequent to start with, as time goes on, rather than disappearing, grows in intensity. Those who used the first method can, with God and with men, somewhat enhance their position, as did Agathocles; the others cannot possibly stay in power” (Ch. 8).
He then synthesizes this into a rule: “Violence must be inflicted once and for all; people will then forget what it tastes like and so be less resentful. Benefits must be conferred gradually, and in that way, they will taste better” (Ch. 8).
Ends and Means
Machiavellis is often associated with the phrase: The ends justify the means. This is a simplified but fairly accurate rephrasing of his advice. He wrote, “In the actions of all men, and especially of princes, where there is no court of appeal, one judges by the result. So let a prince set about the task of conquering and maintaining his state; his methods will always be judged honorable and will be universally appraised” (Ch. 18).
Finances
Some quotes on the politics of government finance:
“In our own times, great things have been accomplished only by those who have been held miserly, and the other has met disaster” (Ch. 16).
“It would be splendid if one had a reputation for generosity; nonetheless, if you do, in fact, earn a reputation for the generosity, you will come to grief. This is because if your generosity is good and sincere, it may pass unnoticed, and it will not save you from being reproached for its opposite” (Ch. 16).
“If you want to sustain a reputation for generosity, therefore, you have to be ostentatiously lavish; and a price acting in that fashion will soon squander all his resources, only to be forced in the end, if he wants to maintain his reputation, to lay excessive burdens on the people, impose extortionate taxes, and to do everything else he can to raise money. This will start to make his subjects hate him, and since he will have impoverished himself, he will be generally despised” (Ch. 16).
“So a prince must think little of it if he incurs the name of a miser, so as not to rob his subjects, to be able to defend himself, not to become poor and despicable, and not to be forced to grow rapacious” (Ch. 16).
…
“This does not mean that one should not be generous in the pursuit of power but simply must change once power is achieved” (Ch. 16).
“Also, if there is a chance to give away what is not the Prince’s, say plunder of one sort or another, the Prince can be generous with that” (Ch. 16).
Flattery
The only way for a Prince to safeguard against flattery is to let others know he is not offended by the truth. Yet if everyone can speak the truth to him, he will quickly lose respect. So, a shrewd prince should adopt a middle way, choosing wise men for his government and allowing only those the freedom to speak the truth to him, and then only concerning matters on which he asks their opinion and nothing else. But he should also question them thoroughly and listen to what they say; then, he should make up his own mind.
His attitude towards his advisors should be such that they will recognize that the more freely they speak, the more acceptable they will be. But apart from trusted advisors, a prince should heed no one; he should put the policy agreed upon into effect straight away and adhere to it rigidly.
Foundations: Good Laws and Good Arms
Machiavelli wrote, “The main foundations of every city are good laws and good arms, and because you cannot have good laws without good arms, and where there are good arms, good laws will inevitably follow” (Ch. 12).
Machiavelli makes two distinctions on arms: They are (1) either one's own or mercenary and (2) either auxiliary or composite. Machiavellis speaks quite definitively against mercenaries. He wrote, "They are brave amongst their friends and cowards before the enemy. In peacetime, you are despoiled by them, in wartime, by the enemy. If they bring victory, Mercenary armies bring only slow, belated, and feeble conquests but sudden, startling defeat" (Ch. 12).
An auxiliary army is a powerful state called upon to come to the Prince's defense and assistance.
A composite army is an army made up of multiple, smaller armies.
Auxiliary forces are often disastrous for the Prince who calls for their aid. The Prince is left in the lurch if they are defeated, and in their power if they are victorious. After being called in, the auxiliary army is in complete control to take or do whatever they please with the Prince and his country. As cowardice is the danger with mercenaries, valor is the hazard with auxiliaries.
Great princes prefer to lose battles with their own forces than win them with others, as the competent Prince knows that no true victory is possible with alien arms. Machiavelli traces the downfall of Rome to hiring the Goths as mercenaries. The Goths, he notes, inherited the prowess which the Romans lost.
Machiavelli wrote, "Unless it contains its own arms, no principality is secure; rather, it is dependent on fortune since there is no valor and no loyalty to defend when adversity comes. One's own forces are composed of an army of one's subjects or an army of citizens or dependents" (Ch 13).
The Fox & The Lion
Machiavelli outlines two ways of fighting: by law or by force. “The first way is natural to men and the second to beasts. But as the first way over proves inadequate one must need needs to have recourse to the second. So a prince must understand how to make nice use of the beast and the man” (Ch. 18). He then presents one of his more famous lines: “So, as a prince is forced to know how to act like a beast, he must learn from the fox and the lion; because the lion is defenseless against traps, and the fox is defenseless against wolves. Therefore one must be a fox in order to recognize traps, and a lion to frighten off wolves” (Ch. 18).
Helping Others to Power
Before closing Chapter 3, Machiavelli adds a final rule: Whoever is responsible for another’s becoming powerful ruins himself because this power is brought into being either by ingenuity (which could also be translated as “industry”) or by force, and both of these are suspect to the one who has become powerful.
How One Comes to Power & its Consequences
Chapter six addresses new principalities acquired by one’s own arms and prowess. Here, the difficulties encountered by the Prince depend on whether he is more or less able.
The fact that the Prince has risen from private citizen to Prince means he has had either great skill or great luck. The more skill and less luck, the more likely he is to maintain the position. Men with great prowess acquire their principalities with difficulty but hold them with ease.
Chapter seven addresses new principalities acquired with the help of fortune or foreign arms. Private citizens who become princes with little exertion on their own part can only maintain their position with considerable effort. This, of course, is a reversion of the previous example.
Internal Dissent
Machiavelli wrote: “In a strong principality, such dissension is never allowed. They profit the prince only in times of peace when he can make use of them to handle his subjects more easily, but when war comes, the weakness of this policy is revealed” (Ch. 17).
Inverting Vice and Virtue
Machiavelli argued the Prince should only concern himself with what is rather than what should be. He believed that men, especially in politics, spend too much time dealing with lofty but unattainable ideals. This was the major break Machiavelli made from previous political philosophy, which generally created an ideal and encouraged states to work toward it. He argued that these ideals do more bad than good. Machiavelli wrote, “The gulf between how one should live and how one does live is so wide that a man who neglects what is actually done for what should be done moves towards self-destruction rather than self-preservation” (Ch. 15).
The goal of traditional morality is not to maintain the state. It is, instead, to pursue virtue—be it religious or secular. But, as noted by Aristotle, the good man is different from the good citizen. This difference is especially pronounced for the rulers, as the good man's virtues would lead to their quick death, loss of power, and the resulting instability of the state. Machiavelli wrote, "The fact is that a man who wants to make a profession of good in every way necessarily comes to grief among so many who are not good" (Ch. 15). So, the Prince will not find his virtues in the philosophy of the Greeks or Western religious doctrines. He must look elsewhere.
Machiavelli presents an alternate route: the inversion of traditional virtues and vices. That is, for the Prince, common virtues are often vices, and common vices are often virtues. He wrote, “He must not flinch from being blamed for vices which are necessary for safeguarding the state. This is because, taking everything into account, he will find that some of the things that appear to be virtues will, if he practices them, ruin him, and some of the things that appear to be vices will bring him security and prosperity” (Ch. 15). In this context, Machiavelli provides advice on governance and conquest.
A noteworthy example is found in truthfulness and lying. Machiavelli notes, “Everyone realizes how praiseworthy it is for a prince to honor his word and to be straightforward rather than crafty in his dealing; nonetheless, contemporary experience shows that princes who have achieved great things have been those who have given their world lightly, who have known how to trick men with their cunning, and who, in the end, have overcome those abiding by honest principles” (Ch. 18). Why is this so? NM neglects this question, but it hits directly at the tragedy of politics.
All the while, the Prince must maintain his popularity and the appearance of virtue. This is, of course, quite difficult, and that is why the Prince needs the help of old Niccolo. He wrote, “Because of conditions in the world, princes cannot have those qualities or observe them completely. So a prince has of necessity to be so prudent that he knows how to escape the evil reputation attached to those vices which could lose him the state” (Ch. 15).
New Territories
Within the new territory, disorder will often arise because the Prince is compelled to injure those who helped him to power. This comes from enforcing order (policing) or further military conquests (forced military service). It is difficult to maintain friendships with those the Prince has injured, and in order to maintain a new territory, one needs the goodwill of the inhabitants. This inevitable cycle creates a turbulent situation.
Next, Machiavelli discusses the difference between a new principality with a shared language and one without. In a new principality with a shared language and customers, the Prince should (1) terminate the old ruling family and (2) maintain their previous laws and taxes. This will allow the citizen to maintain their previous life relatively undisturbed and eliminate the possibility of being reconquered.
Next, Machiavelli discusses the difference between a new principality with a shared language and one without. In a new principality with a shared language and customers, the Prince should (1) terminate the old ruling family and (2) maintain their previous laws and taxes. This will allow the citizen to maintain their previous life relatively undisturbed and eliminate the possibility of being reconquered.
Next, Machiavelli advises several rules for occupying a new territory without shared language or customs. (1) It is best for the Prince to temporarily move to the province himself. (2) If option one is not possible, the Prince should establish settlements (options 1 & 2 are significantly better than occupying the foreign land with troops, which brings significant resentment). (3) The Prince should make himself the protector of the smaller neighboring powers. (4) The Prince should weaken those who are strong. (5) The Prince should take precautions against an invasion from a foreigner as powerful as himself.
NM also discussed how to securely hold previously free states. As always, Machiavelli disregarded traditional morality entirely. In order of preference, he recommends: (1) devastation, (2) the Prince move there temporarily, or (3) allowing them to keep their laws, exacting tribute, and setting up an oligarchy that will keep the state friendly to the Prince.
Regarding option three: Satellite governments will know they cannot endure without the help of the prince. This is the easiest way to rule, allowing cities' own citizens to govern so under the Prince’s name.
Chapter eight addresses those who come to power by crime. These are those who rose up without luck but did so with tactics that Machiavelli does not consider prowess. These include: “killing fellow citizens, betraying friends, to be treacherous, pitiless, irreligious” (Ch. 8).
Machiavelli addressed the question: How do those who attain power in this way keep it? Do their citizens simply not overthrow them when given the chance? It is here he considers the question of cruelty, which is discussed above.
Nobles & Ministers
Princes can rule alongside: (1) ministers subservient to him, who govern by his permission, or (2) nobles, whose rank is established with an ancient lineage. The Price has greater authority in states governed by the Prince and his servants. Nobles have their own prerogative, and the prince cannot take these away from the Nobles except at his peril.
States governed by a Prince and his servants are challenging to conquer but easy to rule. This is because the conqueror cannot negotiate with the servants like he can with other nobles. But once the territory is in hand, the servants are loyal, and the nobles are not. This creates the reverse situation for Principalities governed by the Prince and his nobles: they are easy to capture and difficult to rule.
Political Issues
Machiavelli compares addressing political issues to diagnosing a medical disease. It is often difficult to diagnose a disease early, as the symptoms are unclear. But, early-stage problems are still solvable. However, if the doctor—or the prince—waits until the issues are clearly diagnosable, then they are no longer easily solvable. So, he advises Princes to remedy issues early, before they are easily diagnosed.
Populism and its Benefits
In chapter 9, Machiavelli addressed the populist leader. Machiavelli refers to these states as “constitutional principalities.” These positions are not won purely by luck or by prowess but with “a lucky astuteness.”
They are either won with the support of the people or with the support of the nobles. The nobles, of course, are fickle and can turn on you. The people, however, are more loyal once won over. Plus, it is easier to keep the people happy, as the nobles wish to oppress the people, and the people only wish not to be oppressed. With these two details in mind, we see Machiavelli the Populist, as he recommends winning the support of the people rather than that of the Nobles. Still, Machiavelli writes, “a wise prince must devise ways by which his citizens are always and in all circumstances dependent on him and on his authority, and then they will always be faithful to him” (Ch. 9).
Relative Truths: Time and Place
The Prince ends with a warning: One who adapts his policy to the times prospers. Machiavelli means two things by this: (1) different situations call for different responses, and therefore (2) all his advice is specific to time and place and may change depending on the circumstances. It is up to the Prince to apply the right strategy under the right circumstances.
Finally, he acknowledges that men rarely change, saying, “as fortune is changeable whereas men are obstinate in their ways, men prosper so long as fortune and policy are in accord, and when there is a clash, they fail” (Ch. 25).
Reputation: Love and Fear
Regarding love and fear, Machiavelli’s message to the Prince is simple: Fear is on your terms; love is on theirs. He wrote, “Men worry less about doing an injury to one who makes himself loved than to one who makes him feared. For love is secured by a bond of gratitude which men, wretched creates that they are, break when it is their advantage to do so; but fear is strengthened by a dread of punishment which is always effective” (Ch. 17).
Of course, it is best to be both loved and feared. But if the Prince must choose, he must err in the direction of fear. The Prince can use fear when he chooses, but the people are free to fall in and out of love as they please.
Reputation: Hatred and Prestige
Yet still, his being feared must not make the Prince hated. It is possible, Machiavelli claims, to be feared but not hated. To avoid hatred, a prince must abstain from excessive taxation; “men sooner forget the death of their father than the loss of their patrimony” (Ch. 18).
So, priority number one: the Prince should determine to avoid anything which will make him despised. NM notes several ways in which political leaders become dispised. First, the people will hate him most aggressively if he is rapacious and aggressive with their property. Second, Princes should avoid a reputation for being: fickle, frivolous, effeminate, cowardly, or irresolute. Instead, a prince should strive to demonstrate actions of greatness, spiritedness, gravity, and strength. Third, Prince should also delegate the enactment of unpopular measures as possible. It is important to note that unpopular is not synonymous with good. One can be hated just as much for good deeds as for evil ones. Unpopular acts, instead, are those which do not reflect the disposition of the populace. A corrupt populous will not support a virtuous leader.
Machiavelli also offers two notes of advice on earning prestige. The first is more obvious. He wrote that nothing brings a prince more prestige than great campaigns and striking demonstrations of his personal abilities. This is intuitive. Most could quickly observe that the presentation of exceptional ability reflects positively on political leaders. But the second is not. Machiavelli wrote that a prince also wins prestige for being a true friend or a true enemy, that is, for revealing himself without any reservation in favor of one side against another. This policy is always more advantageous than neutrality.
Machiavelli has two additional notes on picking sides. First, “It is always the case that the one who is not your friend will request your neutrality, and the one who is your friend will request your armed support” (Ch. 21). And second, “A Prince should never join an aggressive alliance with someone more powerful than himself unless it is a matter of necessity. This is because if you are victor, you emerge as his prisoner, and princes should do their utmost to escape being at the mercy of others” (Ch. 21).
Security
Chapter 10 addresses national security. Can the Prince stand alone, or must he always have recourse to the protection of others? Princes who can stand alone are those who have the sufficient military power to assemble an army equal to an aggressor. Princes who cannot are those who must retreat behind walls and make their defense there. For these Princes, nothing can be said except strengthen and fortify their own towns and not worry about the country around them. If this is done well enough, as was done in Germany at the time, then any enemy will be circumspect in attempts to attack them. With a well-fortified defense, a competent Prince should be able to rally his city against an oncoming besieger.
Subversion and Conspiracies
There are two things a prince must fear: (1) internal subversion from his subjects; and (2) external aggression by foreign powers. When there is no disturbance abroad, the prince’s chief fear must be a secret conspiracy.
He can adequately guard against this if he avoids being hated or scorned and keeps the people satisfied. Therefore, one of the most potent safeguards a prince can have against conspiracies is to avoid being hated by the populace. This is because the conspirator always thinks that by killing the prince, he will satisfy the people, but if he thinks that he will outrage the people, he will never have the courage to go ahead with his act (this is, unless he is a fanatic, acting on his own).
Talent
Machiavelli wrote, "The first opinion that is formed of a ruler's intelligence is based on the quality of the men he has around him. When they are competent and loyal, he can always be considered wise because he has been able to recognize their competence and keep them loyal" (Ch. 22). And again, the "Prince should show his esteem for talent, actively encourage able men, and honor those who excel in their profession" (Ch.22).
Terminology
Hereditary Principalities are easiest to rule, mainly because the Prince has less reason and less need to give offense. In these cases, it is enough not to neglect the institutions founded by one’s ancestors. As long as the Prince is reasonably diligent, he will maintain his rule, barring extraordinary circumstances.
When a new territory is added to hereditary territories, the total territory is referred to as a composite principality.
Chapter 11 focuses on ecclesiastical principalities, which a prince may win by prowess or fortune but keep without the help of either. Instead, they are maintained by powerful and mature religious institutions which safeguard the government. He wrote, “ecclesiastical princes alone possess states, and do not defend them; subjects, and do not govern them. And though their states are not defended, they are not taken away from them; and their subjects, being without governed, do not worry about it and neither can nor hope to overthrow it in favor of another. So these principalities alone are secure and happy. But as they are sustained by higher powers which the human mind cannot comprehend, I shall not argue about them” (Ch. 7).
War
NM urgently stressed the importance of a strong military. During his time in power, Florence was consistently under siege, and those in power were always at risk of losing it. He wrote, “The first way to lose your state is to neglect the art of war; the first way to win a state is to be skilled in the art of war” (Ch. 14). Machaivelli stressed that war should always be front and center in the Prince’s mind, saying the prince “must never let his thoughts stray from military exercises, which he must pursue more vigorously in peace than in war” (Ch. 14).
He continued, “A prince, therefore, must have no other object or thought, nor acquire skill in anything, except war, its organization, and its discipline. The art of war is all that is expected of a ruler; it is so useful that besides enabling hereditary princes to maintain their rule it frequently enables ordinary citizens to become rulers” (Ch. 14).
As for physical training, Machiavelli believed hunting helps Princes to better understand geography and how it applies to war. As for intellectual training, the Prince must read history and study the actions of eminent men so that he may emulate them.